Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land

ion and regularity characterize the unique map of Palestine located in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence, 52 which is also included in a codex of the long version. (Figure 3) The map with the boxes appears uniform and undifferentiated. This regularity is apparently intentional. The red-framed text entries in black are, at least for the most part, distributed uniformly across the surface; there are a total of 406. Only a few patches were left empty. The amount of text in the fields varies from one word to multi-line sentences. All fields should be identifiable by name and have a concrete meaning. The "imprisoned" texts became pictorial elements, which were subject to the primacy, so to speak, of regular distribution. The temporal dimensions, which were dominated by a higher-ranking principle of order, were thus equalized. The well of Rachel and the crusader fortresses are placed next to each other on the same level, as are the grave of Cain and the Mountain of the Leopards. This Holy Land presents the picture of a predominately systematically arranged square ruptured by a few borders, mountain ranges and roads. Even Jerusalem and Acre obey this regularity and dare not obtrude. However, this uniformity can be deceiving. The legends contain toponyms of the most different origins, including terms from the Bible, classical antiquity, contemporary times, and words in Arabic. Similar to the account, they discuss biblical foundations, secular control, and religious differences; they specify the bastions and crusaders, as well as the intercultural 51 Kaeppeli, Scriptores, 258 still listed it in 1970, when he wrote the book. 52 Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 97 v -98 r . Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” (as note 30) 93-105 and plate 7 with the typographical rendering but without the coastline or other geographical details; Gautier Dalché, “Cartes de terre sainte,” 607f. Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 25 competitors there. Signs of biblical significance are mixed with those of secular control. Therefore, it is not always easy to understand the meanings and their multiple layers, and, at times, the meanings of the entries can be found only after reading the account. In order to interpret it in greater depth, it will be necessary to transcribe and examine more closely the long version, transmitted in the same codex, which is difficult to read. Therefore, the following specifies only a few examples of the interplay between account and map. To achieve this, attention is placed on contemporary references and individualized statements, which more likely deviate from other accounts than the biblical motives, which, in a more or less unified form, were received in this map like everywhere else. Figure 4 a-b Map of Palestine according to Burchard of Mount Sion: Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 97v, section. Photo: Florence, BML A section of the territory around Tripoli (Figures 4a-b) provides us with insight and references to once contemporary events. First we see the mighty Margat (merrgad, 2; mons, 3), one of the most important crusader fortresses in Syria. 53 The Hospitallers, as the long version reports, expanded the castle from which they ruled the area into their main settlement, not far from the sea on the mountain above the city of Valenia/Bâniyâs (ualania, 4). In the 53 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 30f. on the location in a distance of seven leagues from Antaradus; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 252-253. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” 105 and plate 7: Merigard and Mons. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 26 end, they even allowed the seat of the bishop to be moved there from the less-protected town, due to the invasions of the Saracens, until they also lost the fortification to the Muslims in 1285. Not far from there one finds the famous crusaders' territory of Nephin (nephyn, 5) and its impressive castle, whose location by the sea and fortress are described by Burchard, in addition to its excellent wine and the fact that it belonged to the Principality of Antioch. 54 The long version mentions that Tripoli (Tripolis, to the left of 5), which is surrounded by the sea, has a large population of Nestorians, Greek and Latin Christians. The long version also describes the economic prosperity of the region. 55 Finally, the presence of the crusaders is set abreast the round and tall Mountain of the Leopards (Mons eleopar/dorum, 1). It marks the place where the Muslims would visit the tomb of the prophet Joshua, which Burchard believed to be the tomb of Canaan, a grandson of Noah, while Joshua would be buried in Timnath-heres near Mount Ephraim. 56 The framed short entries on the map can be understood only in combination with Burchard’s longer description of the Holy Land, which defines the location of the places with precise distance data and specifies the operational framework. On the cartographic representation, we are unable to account for the activities of regional rulers, pilgrims, or crusaders. Dynamic motifs, such as the approaching crusader ships depicted on the map of Matthew Paris, are missing completely. 57 This region is subject to other principles of construction: it is not to be measured; indeed, it is immeasurable. The simple text and image 54 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 27-28; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 250. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Nephyn. 55 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 28; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 250. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Tripolis. 56 Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Mons leopardorum. Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 28; cf. Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 250-251. Jacob of Verona adopted this passage including this doubt circa 1335; cf. Liber peregrinationis fratris Jacobi de Verona, ed. Ugo Monneret de Villard (Rom: La Libreria dello Stato, 1950), c. 14. 57 London, BL, Royal Ms. 14 C VII fol. 4 b -5 a ; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Ms. 16, fol. III v and IV r ; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Ms. 26, fol. III v -IV r . Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 27 structure unite salvific history with localities of war; religious differences and Christian dominance are placed on the same level. One could say that text and image merge time and space. Despite this, the regular scheme is ruptured in some places. Borders that signify historical developments traverse carefully designed space. For example, the borders between the different crusader states as well as the boundaries between them and the outside world remain visible, even though they were no longer operative. (Figures 5a-b) We can see the frontier (7) between the Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Principality of Antioch, which Figures 5 a-b Map of Palestine according to Burchard of Mount Sion: Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 97v, section. Photo: Florence, BML along with the northern part of Syria had been lost since 1268. The clearly intentional borderline on the map stresses the territorial setback and conceals it at the same time by refering to crusader possessions on both sides of the double line. The text inserted above the borderline (Figure 4a-b, 6) explains the graphical symbol in language that is nearly identical to the textual account. 58 58 Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Hic terminatur patriarcatus Jerosolimitanus ab Antioceno. Cf. almost literally in Burchard, "Descriptio," ed. Laurent 27: Terminatur similiter patriarchatus ierosolimitanus, et incipit patriarchatus antiochenus et comitatus tripolitanus; cf. Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 249. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 28 Figure 6a-b Map of Palestine according to Burchard of Mount Sion: Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 97v, section. Photo: Florence, BML In most cases, a deeper understanding can be obtained only after reading that account. The Teutonic Knights built Castle Judin (Judyn, 8) in 1192. 59 (Figures 6a-b) Burchard's account not only explains its location in the mountains of Sharon (mons, 9), above the city of Acre, but also the fact that the buildings had long been destroyed. Not far from here, located at the foot of the mountain, we see Lambert cottage by the sea (casale lan/berti, 10). 60 At nearby Castle Scandalion (sandalion, 11), Burchard does not fail to highlight the fact that the castle was located on a historical site. It was rebuilt in 1116 by King Baldwin I, who intended to pass it on to his vassals, and is tellingly located at the place between Acre and Tyre where Alexander the Great is said to have built his camp, Alexandroskena, during the siege of Tyre. 61 59 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 34; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 257. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Iudyn and mons. 60 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 23; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 246 identified it as Al-Zīb, the biblical Akhziv. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Cattanberti; Hartmann, Wilhelm Tzewers 372, note 39, identified it as ez-Zib, 14 km north of Acre. 61 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 24; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 246. Cf. Hartmann, Wilhelm Tzewers, 372, Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 29 What is striking is the lasting presence of impressive fortresses that once secured the coastal and mountainous borders of crusader states that had long been lost to the enemy. East of the Jordanian valley, far to the southeast, one finds al-Karak, not far from the hilltop fortress Montréal (Mons Regalis), founded in 1115, or al-Shawbak, which had already been surrendered to Saladin. Both the account and the map mention that the sultans kept their treasures there since that time. 62 The author did not try to hide his admiration for the Templar castle Safad (Saphet), found on the map on the mountain with the same name, located between Acre and Damascus. 63 In his opinion, it was the strongest and most beautiful fort, which was, however, besieged by the Muslims in 1266, fifteen years before Burchard's trip. It was a defeat that aided in the successive loss of the Holy Land, even if at that time conquering the massive city fortress of Acre still appeared impossible. 64 The Florentine map no longer emphasizes the fortifications at Safad and Acre. Knowledge of the relationships between regional rulers in Palestine became even more important after the bitter loss of Acre. The Florentine copyist (active around 1300) adapted the text to contemporary events. Burchard, after all, always used the past tense when he mentioned defeats that reduced the size of the Christian Holy Land under the increasing military pressure of the Muslims. The copyist perpetuated this realism by updating information. He used the imperfect and perfect tenses in these passages, where Burchard had written in the present tense. He supplemented the text in a way that suggested that he wrote under the painful influence of the fall of Acre in 1291. note 40; Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Sandalion. 62 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 58-59; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 282. Cf. Harvey, Medieval Maps, 96; Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Mons regalis. Hic habitat soldanus et hic tenet depositum. 63 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 34; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 257. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Sephet mons; Harvey, Medieval Maps, 96, notes that it is the latest event mentioned on the map. 64 Cf. Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 23; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 245-246. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” plate 7: Acon uel Tolomayda no longer emphasized. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 30 The scribe of the Florentine manuscript even supplemented his text with precise additions not found in Laurent's edition. He first changed Burchard’s present tense verbs, which he used to describe Acre. 65 Thus the city's splendid walls and towers, the fortresses of the Hospitallers, Templars, and Teutonic Knights, and its lively harbor are said to have perished. He then added that the town was seized by the Muslims and razed to the ground in 1291, on Friday, 17 May (the calendae of June). 66 On this day, when several thousand Christians had been massacred, a huge cross was said to have appeared in the sky before vespers to indicate that many people had to suffer martyrdom for Christ’s sake. Perhaps these observations also explain why the mapmaker did not follow common precedent, instead choosing not to place any visual stress on Acre. On this Laurenziana map, only Jerusalem, with all of its sites, is fanned out to a greater extent, and serves rather unobtrusively as a point of concentration. An eastward orientation dominates one’s initial perception of the countryside. From Jaffa, the port of arrival for pilgrims, there is a road indicated in red that passes by Hebron, past Jerusalem, to the Dead Sea and Jordan, on whose east side the baptismal place of Jesus is indicated. On the right and left sides at the page margins, the Mediterranean coast does not end but bends upward. Because of this, north of Tyre the map is oriented north, and south of Jaffa it is oriented south. On the extreme right, we also see Egypt beyond the Red Sea, the Exodus route, and the statues of idols in the Egyptian city of Heliopolis. 67 This is unique and astonishing, because Burchard's visit to Egypt, mentioned in only a few surviving copies of 65 Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 94rb, line 25-30. I am grateful to Dr. Ekkehart Rotter for having pointed out this paragraph to me. 66 Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 94rb, line 30-34. 67 On Heliopolis cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” 105 and plate 7: Elyopoleos hic stabant ydola; Omont, "Manuscrits," 500: Eliopolis est villa multum bona et dives, sed non est munita, sicut nec aliqua villa in toto Egypto, preter Alexandriam et Babiloniam, sed habundat fructibus et omnibus deliciis mundi; cassia fistula in magna quantitate crescit ibidem. Cf. ibid. 502: In Elyopoli et in Babilonia ostenduntur loca in quibus beata Virgo mansit cum puero Jhesu, quando a facie Herodis fugerat in Egyptum et casus ydolorum et Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 31 Figure 7 Burchard of Mount Sion, Descriptio terrae sanctae, long version with glosses: Florence, BML, Plut. 76.56, fol. 95r [or fol. 94r] templorum, secundum prophetiam Ysaie. Cf. Wolfenbüttel, HAB, Cod. Guelf. 354 Helmst., fol. 132 r -167 r , here fol. 166 v . Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 32 Figure 8 Map of Palestine according to Burchard of Mt. Sion: Florence, ASt, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4[section]. the text, is not even registered on the other Burchard maps. The textual and visual representation of an entry like Heliopolis, which is found so seldom, bears witness to the close interplay between both media. The relationship between map and travel account is strengthened by an additional element in the Laurenziana codex: the pictograms of the buildings on the margin of the manuscript folios. (Figure 7) As figurative glosses, they accentuate and illustrate the toponyms buried in the text. The marginal notes help to unite the complex description with the cartographic localization in order to topographically localize the stories of the account. Thus text and image are interrelated, and at times even dependent upon one another. Clearly, the modifications to the transmitted texts and their pictorial implementations can hardly lead back to Burchard himself, which means that every copyist added his own principles of order. IV. Measurability and Portolan Mapping Despite their similar content, on two other copies of the Burchard map the structures of local power and government have been depicted in a totally different manner. Measuring an impressive 52 x 168 cm, neither is part of a codex; both were therefore more suited as presentation objects for an informed audience. The place-names mentioned in Burchard’s text Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 33 provide the basis for the layout, even if a few settlements, such as Scandalion and Judin, are missing. Nonetheless, both maps organize the geography of Palestine in an innovative way that is closer to modern than medieval conventions, even when they retain the traditional eastern orientation. What results is a completely different picture, with rivers, roads, mountain ranges, towns, and fortresses. This image was highly influential in subsequent decades, because most of the Palestine maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, from the treatises and historiographical works of Marino Sanudo and Paolino Veneto to the travel report of Bernhard von Breidenbach, followed this model. In Italy, mapmakers like Pietro Vesconte worked this development into the production of portolan charts. The copy from the Archivio di Stato in Florence, (Figure 8) measuring 51.5 x 168 cm, is probably the oldest of this group. 68 Harvey dates it to approximately 1300 and regards it as the earliest known Burchard map. 69 The map is oriented toward the east and also refers to the text found in the long version. Blocks of text on the southern (right) and, particularly, on the northern (left) edges of the map explain the geographical context in detail. The alphabetized index of place-names has three columns containing some 200 entries. The map shows fortresses, cities, and bridges, whose fortified constructions strategically cover the vastness of the land. It is clear that this representation of Palestine corresponds more to today’s conventions and the present requirements of using signs, colors and symbols. For instance, the geographical contours of the coasts, rivers, and mountains appear in brown ink, just like the place-names and texts. Other colors, such as olive green, 68 Florence, ASt, Carte nautiche, geografiche e topografiche 4; Reinhold Röhricht, “Karten und Pläne I,”: 8-11 and Figure I with the map and a transcription of the text. Cf. Cornelio Desimoni, “Una carta della Terra Santa del secolo XIV,” Archivio Storico Italiano, ser. 5, 11 (1893): 241-258; Hans Fischer, “Geschichte der Kartographie von Palästina,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 63 (1940): 1-111, here 7; Bernhard Degenhart and Annegrit Schmitt, “Marino Sanudo und Paolino Veneto. Zwei Literaten des 14. Jahrhunderts in ihrer Wirkung auf Buchillustrierung und Kartographie in Venedig, Avignon und Neapel,” Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 14 (1973): 1-138, here 76; Harvey, “Medieval Maps, ” 94-106. 69 Harvey, “Medieval Maps,” 94. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 34 now faded, have been used for the bodies of water. However, we can see that various sections were possibly never completely colored in. The map’s apparent “realism” cannot cloak the fact that the different levels of time and argumentation remain active. The twelve tribes of the Old Testament structure the area in the same way the various views of the cities and crusader fortresses do, whose red walls and towers can clearly be seen from a distance. In general, places are identified by name. Only Jerusalem differs; without an accompanying name, it is located in the southern half and represented by a Greek cross within a circle. It thus stands out significantly from the crusader strongholds as the religious center, though it is marked with the same color in a rather inconspicuous way. Even the heavily fortified city of Acre loses it substantial prominence, although three massive towers with city walls secure the area of the peninsula that protrudes into the Gulf of Haifa. South of here, other places along the coast dominate, such as the almost invincible Château Pèlerin (Castrum pelegrinorum), the Templar residence abandoned as late as the summer of 1291, and the smaller Templar fortress Merle, built in the old harbor town of Dor, whose location in the middle fold helped to maintain its vibrant red color. The adaptation of portolan conventions determines the cartographical picture: its grid, which traces are barely discernible, structures and organizes the region. The somewhat more recent copy at the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York, (Figure 9) measuring nearly the same size 52 x 165.5 cm and also not included in a codex, is almost identical to the older copy in Florence. 70 However, the portulan-like pattern, with grid lines, 83 columns running north-south and 28 running east-west, has emerged clearly, and the well-preserved, intense colors – like the deep olive green used for the bodies of water 70 New York, PML, M 877; cf. Frederick Baldwin Adams, Seventh annual report to the fellows of the Pierpont Morgan Library (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1957), 14-17; Henry S. Morgan and Arthur A. Houghton, The Pierpont Morgan Library. A review of acquisitions 1949-1968 (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1969), 5; Harvey, “The biblical content,” 58-59. For the function of the different types of maps, cf. Eitay Mayraz, “Place and Space in the Mediterranean: The (Mental) Map of a Pilgrim in the Holy Land,” Mediterranean Historical Review 19 (2004): 25-33. Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 35 Figure 9 Map of Palestine according to Burchard of Mt. Sion: New York, PML, M 877 [section]. – make it almost more impressive. The maps are similar in size and character and also in their arrangements of explanatory texts and geographical details, like the mountain ranges that surround the coherent territory of Palestine in the north and east. It is clear that the maps have a common origin or at least that the Pierpont map, with a reduced amount of text, is more or less directly related to the copy in Florence. 71 The most significant difference between the two is that the index of place-names on the left edge of the Florentine map is missing from the New York copy. The portolan-like presentation emerges even more clearly in the Pierpont map. The neck of the animal from which the parchment was made is evident and the grid lines recall the rhumb lines on portolan charts. Furthermore, both Burchard maps are similar to portolan charts in size and in the accuracy of coastlines and water ways. These features correspond to Holy Land images from after the fall of the last bastions in Palestine and Syria, when crusading fervor was reignited. The grid lines that structure and outline the region suggest a new accuracy, as do the mountains, rivers, and towns that are carefully arrayed along the new coastline from Gaza to Sidon. The grid system gives the impression of measurability and operational practicability, and a copyist could transfer it to a new parchment quadrant for quadrant. 71 For details cf. Harvey, Medieval Maps, 128-132. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 36 Figure 10 Burchard of Mount Sion, Descriptio terrae sanctae, long version with glosses: Florence, BNC, F. 4. 733, fol. 32v-33r. Photo: Florence, BNC. Distances and their measurements are an important issue for both texts and images. In the account, the regional distances are usually indicated in leagues (leucae), shortened leagues (leucae modicae) and number of day's journeys. Burchard estimated the width of the Dead Sea, for example, to be six leagues, though he could not determine its length; he estimated it to be a five-day journey after consulting with local inhabitants. 72 Dimensions as large as these are, of course, not suitable for short distances. Places of interest, for example, are measured in feet (pedes), paces (passus), and stades (stadia). 73 Gardens, temples, and urban neighborhoods are calculated in bowshot distances (quantum potest iacere arcus) and 72 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 59; Pilgrimage, ed. Pringle 283. On the distances, cf. Harvey, Medieval Maps, 95. 73 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 25, 28, 30, 70-72 with pedes as measurement; 72 with conversions: 125 passus faciunt unum stadium. Cf. Harvey, Medieval Maps, 95. Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 37 stones' throws. 74 The diverse dimensions in the different parts of Europe that accrued over time meant that even scribes and readers of those days had trouble understanding their size precisely and could only imagine their relative significance. Measurability seems to have been more important than consistency of scale and accuracy of dimension. Distance data such as these are particularly emphasized in some copies of the long version. Two manuscripts from the fourteenth century preserved by the national library in Florence exhibit a principle of order (which has not been studied) noted in the margins. This technique of structuring the text with words, comments, and signs on the margins was apparently passed on more often with the Descriptio. At the beginning of each chapter, on the external side margin, the long version manuscript, F. 4. 733 (Figure 10) names the place described. 75 The glosses in the other fourteenth-century copy, C.8.2861, (Figure 11) emphasize not only the cities described in the text, but give their distances from Acre in leagues, and sometimes in miles. 76 This corresponds to the pictograms of buildings, including the registered toponyms, in the margins of the Laurenziana manuscript. All three copyists were aware of current representational conventions. Their method of presenting content via marginalia and pictograms is unlike most of the short versions, like Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Irrespective of this, the layout of both independent copies created a new type of cartography, a record of the land to be measured, conquered and ruled. The copyists went to great lengths to reproduce the distances and their visual representation as accurately as 74 Burchard, “Descriptio,” ed. Laurent 24, 35, 47, 49-51, 55, 58, 61, 62, 66, 70, 73, 78, 81 and 82 for the bowshot as a unit of measurement, ibid. 25, 62, 72, 74 and 75 for the stone’s throw; cf. Harvey, Medieval Maps, 95. 75 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale (henceforth referred to as BNC), F.4.733, fol. 29ra-43vb; dating according to Kaeppeli, Scriptores, 258. 76 Florence, BNC, C.8.2861, fol. 1-26; dating according to Kaeppeli, Scriptores, 258. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 38 Figure 11 Burchard of Mount Sion, Descriptio terrae sanctae, long version with glosses: Florence, BNC, C 8. 2861 fol. 21v-22r. Photo: Florence, BNC. possible, and the grid system helped to emphasize their function as a guiding system. 77 This approach was expanded in the decades that followed, as authors and cartographers attempted to give Holy Land pilgrims and Levant merchants practical instructions for their trips, and to move the Europeans towards a new crusade. V. Burchard's Reception The use of various forms of spatial representation in the Burchard tradition, from geographically and topographically structured travel accounts to diagrammatic and cartographic visualizations, encouraged their employment in new contexts. This broad set of intellectual tools facilitated and stimulated the depiction of the territories in question, locally, 77 Florence, BNC, Magl. XXII.22, fol. 107ra-119rb, short version from the 15th century with shortened preface; dating according to Kaeppeli, Scriptores, 258. Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 39 regionally, and throughout the known world. Burchard's narratives and their visualizations helped distant readers envision the Holy Land, gave travelers the directions, legitimized the Christian claim to power over the Holy Places, and generated military strategies. Geographic measurement meant being tied to a particular time and vision, but also timelessness, because a copyist could utilize a model created at an earlier time and in another place by modifying it to suit current needs. 78 Burchard’s spatially organized knowledge flowed into world chronicles, itineraries, and geographical manuals, just as it influenced crusader propaganda, exegetic writings, and pilgrim accounts. A few examples will suffice. The content and style of the “Burchard maps” influenced the presentation of the Holy Land in the widespread Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, written by the Venetian merchant Marino Sanudo (d. 1343). 79 Seven of a total nineteen transmitted copies of the Liber are accompanied by a map of Palestine. 80 Sanudo placed even more importance on the harmonic interplay of both media than the Burchard copyists. He engaged the Venetian portolan maker, Pietro Vesconte, to design the maps, whose only purpose was to accentuate the 78 Gautier Dalché, “Cartes de terre sainte,“ 603f. 79 Marino Sanudo, “Liber secretorum fidelium crucis super Terrae sanctae recuperatione et conservatione,” in Gesta dei per Francos 2, ed. Jacques de Bongar (Hannover, 1611, Reprint Jerusalem, 1972); cf. the translations by Aubrey Stewart, Marino Sanuto’s Secrets for True Crusaders to Help them to Recover the Holy Land, written in A.D. 1321 (Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society 3,14) (London: AMS Press, 1896) (only book 3); Peter Lock, Marino Sanudo Torsello. The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross (Crusade Texts in Translation 21) (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2011). Cf. Sylvia Schein, Fideles crucis. The Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the Holy Land 1274–1314 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 269270; Evelyn Edson, “Reviving the Crusade: Sanudo’s Schemes and Vesconte’s Maps,” Eastward Bound. Travel and travellers, 1050-1550, ed. Rosamund Allen (Manchester, New York: Manchester University Press, 2004), 131-155, here 134; Patrick Gautier Dalché, “Cartes, réflexion stratégique et projets de croisade à la fin du XIIIe et au début du XIVe siècle: une initiative franciscaine?” Francia 37 (2010): 77-95. 80 Marino Sanudo, Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, atlas of 1320 with a map of Palestine: Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (henceforth referred to as BAV), Pal. Lat. 1362; first to second redaction Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Tanner 190; second redaction: Rome, BAV, Reg. lat. 548; Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, Ms. 237; London, BL, Add. Ms. 27376, fol. 188v-189r; Bruxelles, KBR, Ms. 9347-9348; Bruxelles, KBR, Ms. 9404-9405, fol. 173 v -174 r , all of them from the workshop of Pietro Vesconte, before 1332. Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” Degenhart/Schmitt, “Marino Sanudo,” 21-24, 105 and 116-117 with illustrations of Bruxelles, KBR, Ms. 9404-9405, fol. 173 v -174 r ; Edson, “Reviving the Crusade,” 136-137 and 151-152; Gautier Dalché, “Cartes de terre sainte,” 598-603; Harvey, “The biblical content,” 55-63. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013 40 propagandistic imperative for a revival of the crusades by pictorializing the accompanying text. Over time, Burchard's vision of the Holy Land was subjected to changes and adaptations; it was integrated into shifting perspectives on the Christian world. Two versions of the Sanudo map accompany the Chronologia magna, a world chronicle by Paulinus Minorita or Paolino Veneto (d. 1344), a Franciscan born in Venice, who was a member of the papal examination commission employed for the Liber and its plea for a crusade. 81 Later, the map and the longer account version were incorporated into an encyclopedic world chronicle, the Rudimentum novitiorum, printed in 1475 by Lucas Brandis in Lübeck 82 The Sanudo map’s verbal and pictorial description of geography was modified only slightly so as to enhance the reader's understanding of events in Holy Scripture by localizing the regions and events of the Old and New Testaments. This eastern-oriented map is centered on an enlarged, heavily fortified Jerusalem, emphasizing, like its Sanudo predecesor, a political imperative: the longing for Christian domination of the holy city and the Holy Land. An additional map of Jerusalem serves, as it does in the Laurenziana codex, to accentuate the center of the crusaders’ and pilgrims’ world. 81 Paulinus Minorita (Paolino Veneto), Chronologia magna, map of Palestine (Neopolitan, circa 1329): Paris, BnF, Ms. Lat. 4939, fol. 10 v -11 r and ibid., fol. 10 r on the eastern Mediterranean, figure in Degenhart/Schmitt, “Marino Sanudo,” 118, 119 and 115; Rome, BAV, Vat. Lat. 1960. Cf. Edson, "Reviving the Crusade," 137-138. 82 Cf. Röhricht, “Marino Sanudo,” 105f.; Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, “Universalkartographie und geographische Schulkenntnisse im Inkunabelzeitalter (unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des „Rudimentum Novitiorum“ und Hartmann Schedels),” in Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit. Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978 bis 1981 (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse 3. Folge 137), ed. Bernd Moeller (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983), 398-429, repr. in: Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken and Thomas Szabó (Ed.), Studien zur Universalkartographie des Mittelalters (Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 229) (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008), 263-296; Kenneth Nebenzahl, Atlas zum Heiligen Land. Karten der Terra Sancta durch zwei Jahrtausende (Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1995), 62; Michael Herkenhoff, Die Darstellung außereuropäischer Welten in Drucken deutscher Offizinen des 15. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1996), 147-156. Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [2013], Art. 2 http://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol4/iss1/2 41 In conclusion, and as these brief examples illustrate, the spread of Burchardian knowledge made possible the creation of purposely designed accounts and maps of Palestine, which were handled differently by creators of geographical works, Christian devotional books, and world chronicles. These works offered the reader an overview and explanation of local customs in these holy places, localized the geographical component of salvific history in a concrete way, and carried forward political biases. Examining these different verbal and visual adaptations of Burchard’s work makes it possible to trace the ways in which information about a hotly contested region bordering Europe was acquired and transferred between authors and cartographers from diverse countries over time. As this study has shown, these verbal and pictorial transmissions will have to be studied closely and critically edited, before we are able to evaluate them more thoroughly. Baumgärtner: Burchard of Mount Sion and the Holy Land Published by Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange, 2013